Playbook. Probably something good for everyone, hence the surprise.

WHAT WE'VE LEARNED: For an accord of this magnitude to come together in such a spectacularly short window requires an almost acrobatic performance by five key people and institutions: Senate Majority Leader MITCH MCCONNELL, PELOSI, Senate Minority Leader CHUCK SCHUMER, House Minority Leader KEVIN MCCARTHY and the White House.

THEY DON'T WORK TOGETHER SEAMLESSLY -- and certainly didn't here. But we did learn a good deal about them, their station in today's power dynamics and the many layers they have to contend with while performing their daily duties. That last point is important: It's easy to try to oversimplify a performance as good or bad -- and we're guilty of that probably more than anyone. BUT EACH OF THESE PEOPLE is juggling a multitude of political considerations that complicate or enhance their efforts.

MCCONNELL: The Senate majority leader made a bet early on in this process: He wasn't going to hold talks with the leadership, but instead would try to build coalitions inside the rank and file to get the bill through. But after a weekend of those talks -- and they were fruitful -- PELOSI reappeared, and she and SCHUMER had opinions about the bill and what they wanted changed. So when MCCONNELL says that PELOSI returned from San Francisco with her own set of ideas, he was right -- and few were actually surprised.

MCCONNELL had to contend with the fact that STEVEN MNUCHIN, the administration's top negotiator, was forced to deal with CHUCK SCHUMER to craft a deal that could get 60 votes. But MCCONNELL was always in the loop -- he never had to quell a revolt in his ranks, and the bill largely mirrored what he envisioned at the front end. Worth noting: MCCONNELL is in cycle and the Senate is up for grabs.

SCHUMER: This was, no doubt, a huge stage for SCHUMER. He was the key to 60 Senate votes, and made sure everyone knew it. It helped to have an ideologically flexible president in the White House who desperately needed a deal.

SCHUMER drives Republicans nuts. He uses the media to his advantage, and he doesn't play by their rules. He defeated two procedural votes that MCCONNELL put up. He dragged out negotiations on what the GOP considered to be minor points, and then later bragged about all the concessions he got. But he found a groove with President DONALD TRUMP and MNUCHIN, and that could last. SCHUMER is up for reelection in 2022, and everything he does in the Capitol is under a microscope from the left.

PELOSI: The speaker cut the deal on Phase Two, so she was always going to be less involved when the action shifted to the Senate. But SCHUMER stood strong in her stead, and she was able to sell Phase Three as a victory to the House rank and file. TRUMP'S willingness to spend copious amounts of money in the middle of an election year is helpful, too. Just one problem: The president apparently can't stomach giving her a call. PELOSI said Thursday that she anticipates taking the lead on the next round of stimulus, so he may want to find her number.

MCCARTHY: The House minority is always a bit of a backwater, so MCCARTHY is at the table, but has a quieter voice than the other leaders. But, as always, he's a key conduit to the president, and with his new pal MARK MEADOWS as chief of staff, he not only has TRUMP'S ear but also his top aide's, as well. One thing to keep an eye on: McCarthy seems skeptical of another round of big spending. And in Republicans' minds, the House is up for grabs, and that's something that McCarthy is always intently focused on.

THE WHITE HOUSE: There were two Trump officials who made this deal happen: MNUCHIN and ERIC UELAND. Let's start with MNUCHIN. The Treasury secretary gets mocked relentlessly by Republicans and Democrats alike on Capitol Hill. They say he acts like an investment banker -- he labeled his initial offer to the Hill with the header "key terms." But he works like a banker too. He's meticulous, thorough and sharp. Many -- including us -- have doubted him. But he has proven himself as the administration's main conduit to the Hill, albeit not without UELAND . The White House's legislative liaison was there the whole time -- could you imagine MNUCHIN in a room with SCHUMER without supervision?